A Preliminary Message — To the Concerned Citizen:

How We Survived Until Now

The Strategic Threats Before Us

LaRouche & Bush, 1988-1990

The Doom of Our Reigning Economics Imbeciles

From the Vol.1 No.30 issue of Electronic Intelligence Weekly, Published September 30, 2002

THIS WEEK YOU NEED TO KNOW

A Boldly Modest U.S. Global Mission
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.

A Preliminary Message — To the Concerned Citizen:

Contrary to that hysterical state of denial which now grips the White House, the present policies of the Presidency are impelling our already bankrupt nation into an Armageddon of avowed perpetual warfare, from which our Constitutional form of republic might never return. In such a circumstance, there are certain well-defined limits, at which point the critic's willingness to employ appropriately rude choices of language to describe such policies, become an obligatory test of that critic's usefulness, candor, and sound judgment.

As ignorance and brutishness are often intertwined, both the uttered present policies of the Bush "43" Administration, and their near-term inevitable consequences, are so awful, that it would be inexcusable not to emphasize the strategic significance of that pathetically banal, brutish prose style in sentimentalities, which permeates that President's current utterance under the title of national security. Serious statesmen around the world must recognize that the pathetic state of mind reflected in that document's literary style, is itself a source of insight into the gruesome folly of its intention.

To speak of both that document's clinically, and strategically significant literary qualities, President George W. "43" Bush's "The National Security Strategy of the United States," would have brought a lingering, deep-red blush of shame to the cheeks of both of two among Sinclair Lewis' epoch-marking characters, "Babbit" and "Elmer Gantry." "Babbit," reading Bush's prose, might have growled, "I think he is mocking me!" Similarly, to recognize the thuggish, "Elmer Gantry"-like literary qualities, and expressed mental state, of the proposed national security document's style and content, should require no more demonstration than a relaxed reading of the piece itself.

The physical significance of that literary fact, is that "43" permitted such a preposterous piece of rubbish to be uttered as a program for "The National Security of the United States." Such negligence by him attests to what most governments around today's world have come to perceive to be, with horror, the ominous moral and intellectual shortfalls in what is, apparently, the President's present state of mind. Hopefully, if the President were to review more self-consciously those words which had been stuffed into his ears and coaxed from his mouth by bad advisors, and also reassess them with a suitable psychological detachment, he might sense the accuracy of my present assessment of the current year's spew of White House propaganda. Perhaps, then, he would have already cried out to me, for my help in extricating him from the looming, combined economic and strategic catastrophe he is digging for himself.

Since, our Constitution, wisely, does not allow that sudden dumping of a head of government which parliamentary constitutions promote, how do we keep the U.S. republic on course toward survival and economic recovery, during the slightly longer than two more years, under a President now perceived as defective by most among the world's leading circles? We are therefore obliged to focus on the question: How many of the President's apparent, Faustian shortfalls, have been foisted upon him by the Brueghelesque rag-tag of Chickenhawks and kindred Mephistophelean advisors gathered around Vice President Cheney? How do we, as the citizen-caretakers of our nation's future, steer such a President, to adopt that new, successful role of national leadership appropriate for the avalanche of disasters now descending upon not only our nation, but the planet as a whole?

Therefore, before turning your attention to what I define as the actually appropriate, new National Security strategy of our republic for this place in world history, I preface my present document with a condensed account of the informed, Constitutional approach to steering this President through the coming two years with a relative minimum risk of damage to, and suffering by, both our nation and the world at large.

Therefore, lest our citizens be plunged into despair by the deepening impact of "43's" continued shortcomings, we should take comfort from the fact, that the office of President of the United States has been previously occupied, from time to time, by a wide range of talents: scoundrels— including thieves or worse, saddening failures of once-promising figures, honest statesmen, heroes such as James Monroe and Franklin Roosevelt, and at least a pair among them such memorably authentic and noble geniuses as John Quincy Adams and Abraham Lincoln. Our nation's history thus shows, that, too often, our voters have been awesomely careless in the way in which they choose Presidents, even before the major parties' altogether disgusting, Summer 2000 nominating conventions. As long as it appears the job is getting done, the negligent citizen sometimes breathes an irresponsible sigh of relief when a President has quit office, shrugging his shoulders, "We got by; but, I am sort of relieved that he is gone. Let us hope that the next one is no worse." Usually, then, he votes for the next, as foolishly as he did for the last. Nonetheless, all considered, our republic has survived, until now.

Unfortunately, despite that history, it is more than merely possible that, unless we act now, there might never be another President inaugurated under our Constitution, after this one. Given the ominous shortcomings of the incumbent's performance since January 2001, what does the history of our Constitution teach us about the possibility for getting safely through even such an exceptionally terrible time as ours, even under a fellow with "43's" conspicuous flaws?

How We Survived Until Now

Today, if the relevant facts are considered, our republic is gripped by the worst crisis since those of 1776-1789 and 1860-1865. The economic depression which now has the Americas, Europe, Japan, and others in its spin, is not merely worse than the 1929-1933 Crash that Coolidge and Andrew Mellon built; the available margin of idled productive potential for an economic recovery in the U.S. today, is, speaking relatively, vastly less than the potential which Franklin Roosevelt mobilized to bring us to that matchless gain in world power and prosperity which we achieved through the reconstruction which he led during the 1933-1945 interval. In the course of these prefaced observations, I shall make passing reference to the factual basis for that comparison of the present situation with the crisis of 1929-1933, after I have first summarized the importance of taking up the implications of the atrocious defects in the referenced Presidential document.

The strength of the U.S.A. political system, on which we must now draw once again, could not be adequately understood without examining the role of leadership exerted by the true father of our republic, Benjamin Franklin, the Franklin who was the guiding hand behind the crafting of such Constitutional instruments as the 1776 U.S. Declaration of Independence and the 1789 draft of the U.S. Federal Constitution. This importance of Franklin's leadership was shown quickly by his absence, after his death. It was shown by the individual follies and general disarray among many of Franklin's former followers, such as the later Presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and John Adams. Each of these latter Presidents, in particular, had become disoriented, even sometimes foolish, under the acutely unfavorable strategic conditions which prevailed from the time of the July 14, 1789 siege of the Bastille, through to that, literally, massed sexual Congress of Vienna, which celebrated the close of the Napoleonic era.

So, from the retirement of Washington on, both the Adams Federalists and Jefferson's party degenerated into political quagmires. Happily, some first-rate, new leaders emerged from about 1812 on, typified by the American Whigs emerging around Franklin's publishing heir Mathew Carey, the great Speaker of the House Henry Clay, President John Quincy Adams, economist Henry C. Carey, President Abraham Lincoln, and others. Such heroes are typified, more recently, by President Franklin Roosevelt. In this manner, through all our crises, those brought from without, and those spawned from within, our republic has survived, during two centuries in which no constitution of any nation of continental Europe has lasted more than a few generations.

This exemplary resilience of the U.S. Constitutional system, even in face of external enemies and even spates of treasonous corruption from within, has been expressed until now, by a resurgence of the controlling authority of three principles expressed in the Constitution's Preamble: the principle of perfect sovereignty, the overriding authority of the principle of the general welfare, and the obligation to define the general welfare as a continuing commitment to posterity. Under our Constitution, no interpretation of our Constitution, nor any enacted law, should be permitted to stand, if it is inconsistent with those three great principles inherited as wisdom from such precedents as that 1648 Treaty of Westphalia, crafted largely by Pope Urban VIII's and France's Jules Cardinal Mazarin, which has subsequently defined the dividing line between decency and bestiality within and among nations.

This uniqueness of our republic's creation, its role as an historical exception in modern times, is a continuing reflection of the fact, that from the beginning of the Eighteenth Century to its close, the only place around the planet, in which there existed the actually immediate possibility of launching a true republic, was among the English colonies in North America. The greatest minds of Europe, as typified by the friends of our Benjamin Franklin, entrusted to our founders that most precious heritage of Europe's Greece-rooted Classical science, Classical art, and those historical reflections on the art of statecraft, which became embedded in the formation of our national culture through great intellectual leaders of ours, such as the Winthrops, the Mathers, Logan, and Franklin, of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries. Under the strong-mindedness of Franklin, the secondary leaders of the American Revolution crafted a form of self-government based not on a catch-basin-full of so-called "basic laws," but on the overreaching authority of a systemically coherent set of interdependent principles, principles expressed, so concisely, as the essence of our Federal Constitution, in its Preamble.

Despite that excellent intention of our Constitution, our republic has suffered from the corrupting affliction of a continuing internal conflict which has persisted, to the present time, since the beginning of the British monarchy's open, 1763 break with the vital interests of the colonies. Since then, our nation has been always divided within, chiefly by a clash between two leading, absolutely irreconcilable political currents.

The first current, from Franklin to Franklin Roosevelt, and beyond, is what former Secretary of State, and Franklin Roosevelt detractor Henry Kissinger denounced, in 1982, as "the American intellectual tradition," which is also my tradition, as expressed by this, my present report.

Franklin Roosevelt's and my own opponents, have been what was known, since 1763-1789, to the present day, as "The American Tories." Those Tories are a faction rooted, historically, in chiefly foreign, chiefly Anglo-Dutch, Venetian-style financier interests. These Tories have been expressed as a faction often allied with the traditions of slaveholder interest, and, to the present day, with heritage of the British East India Company's drug-trafficking interest.

Until now, in every national crisis of an existential severity, such as 1929-1933, the American intellectual tradition, as from Benjamin Franklin to Franklin Roosevelt, has intervened, repeatedly, in a timely way, to save our nation from the brink of self-inflicted ruin. Contrast the cumulative ruin piled up as the legacies of American Tories Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and Calvin Coolidge, to Franklin Roosevelt's invoking of the American intellectual tradition to rescue our republic from that accumulated Tory folly of those predecessors. By contrasting Franklin Roosevelt then, to the recklessly disordered state of mind exhibited by most among the principal advisors of the Bush Presidency today, we may recognize the deeply underlying, systemic, American Tory origin, of the present threat to the continued existence of our republic. It is an awful threat, which the promulgation of "43's" "National Security" document typifies in the extreme.

For today's crisis, we must recognize that Franklin Roosevelt's extraordinarily successful Presidency had two leading features. First, that President provided to his recruited associates, an indispensable individual's quality of personal leadership, a quality akin to that which was otherwise expressed by General of the Armies Douglas MacArthur's leadership in the Pacific War. Second, the President was able to draw upon a depth of such mission-oriented, supporting leadership for such enterprises as those great projects of the 1930s, which enabled the U.S. to build up the depth of logistical capability which led to a secured victory during the period of the 1939-1945 war.

All relevant known history, including President Franklin Roosevelt's role, shows, that installing an able leader for a time of crisis, depends upon bringing out the best in personalities he or she selects and assembles as a leadership team. The qualities those personalities bring to their assigned missions, are derived not merely from something which they had previously accomplished, but from the ability of a leader to evoke from his or her team, as Jeanne d'Arc did for France, powers of innovative accomplishment which those followers often appear, later, to have lost, as if they had been "playing way over their heads" during more glorious days.

In later times, we should be grateful to hear those memories of their accomplishment which still lingered on their tongues; but, most among them spoke to us, later, as one who retained only a fading memory of that prompting touch of genius which Roosevelt had exerted to inspire them; like Jefferson, Madison, and President John Adams, after the death of Benjamin Franklin, many veterans of the Roosevelt Presidency had lost track of that spark of leadership which had been supplied to them. This Roosevelt had been a true leader, with the fire of the anti-Tory, American System in his belly. The fire was not only passion; it was a deeply ingrained historical knowledge of and belief in Hamilton's anti-Adam Smith, American System of political-economy. This is the economic policy otherwise named our National System of Political-Economy, in contrast to both British East India Company "capitalism" and European socialism.

That is key for understanding that unifying, special spark of genius which Roosevelt's leading makers and shakers exhibited in their glorious times. It was a spark evoked from within them by a truly exceptional quality of national leader, the like of which we have not seen in high elected U.S. office since. The mission-orientation characteristic of the members of the FDR team, represents for us today, the image of an urgently needed rallying of human resources to play again the role of Roosevelt's team, resources rallied from the remaining vestiges of our American intellectual tradition, today as for the crucial, history-making mission of that time. Where shall we find the indispensable spark to make such recruitable talent perform, once again, such miracles of genius?

That view of the matter provides the key to a possible offsetting of the danger to civilization implied by the personal flaws of today's incumbent President. He must have, first of all, a freshened team, rid of any among the misleading persons now encumbering his judgment, a fresh team on which he must rely to bring his Administration to a truly successful outcome for our republic. Just as FDR relied on a team of both Democrats and Republicans for the post-1936 preparation for and conduct of U.S. action in the 1939-1945 war-time interval, the incumbent President must have an able team rooted in that American intellectual tradition hated by Henry Kissinger. The President must be induced to accept that quality of rearrangement, and must be provided adequate bipartisan support from the Congress for that specific mission.

To provide the leadership needed, to cause such a team to be rallied, some kindly guardian angel, or a reasonable approximation of such a personality, must be brought in to succor the imperilled Presidency. At this instant of writing, I am playing the part of that lurking guardian angel. I come, as did Dickens' Old Marley to Scrooge: the unwanted but familiar apparition, to tell the President what he needs to be told, the tough truth, for his own good, and for the good of the nation, too. With an appropriate team, he might succeed, if someone else supplies the spark which sets the team into creative motion.

Guardian angels are not like tooth-fairies, nor genies popped out of bottles. They do not tell a President what he wishes to hear, nor do they do his bidding by means of magic spells. They tell him what he needs to be told, counsel usually contrary to his strongly held prejudices. Now, therefore, hear me speak, as Old Marley did to Scrooge, of those terrible crises which should scare the President into entertaining a bit of precious wisdom, the wisdom to free himself from the grip of the awful lies being foisted upon him by Vice President Cheney's and George Shultz's nasty flock of Chickenhawks.

The Strategic Threats Before Us

Scrap that rambling, "Red Queen"-style gobbledegook, which some swindling pranksters, like the tailors from Anderson's tale of "The Emperor's New Suit of Clothes," stitched together as that disgusting recent draft, The National Security Strategy of the United States. This is no time to tolerate such charlatans as those (mostly) draft-dodging hucksters of war have been. We need a policy designed, not for the fools who follow the popular opinion and tastes measured out by today's mass media, but a policy crafted for the guidance of the "forgotten man" of our time, that unusual citizen living on his block, who sees to where he is walking or driving, or investing, and who, similarly, actually thinks before voting. It is upon the "grass-roots" leadership role contributed by such citizens located in the pores of our nation's social and economic life, such as true, anti-Wall Street entrepreneurs, that the needed mobilization of the nation can made possible.

We are presently confronted by, chiefly, three crises which, taken together, now threaten the continued existence of the republic.

The first, and most pervasive, near-term threat is internal. This threat to both the sovereignty and the bare existence of our republic, is the interconnection between the ongoing collapse of the present, infinitely crooked, world monetary-financial system, the system of the present IMF and World Bank, and the present, devastating, thirty-odd-year-long, continuing, self-induced, and economically suicidal collapse of the internal physical economy of the U.S.A. itself.

The second general near-term threat to our republic is worldwide. This presents us with the looming prospect of chaos, not only within our nation, but throughout the planet. We are thus confronted by an emerging chaos which, unless stopped, would become the inevitable, early effect of a continued effort to sustain the, presently bankrupt, increasingly globalized, and intrinsically predatory, "free trade" form of world monetary-financial system.

The third general strategic threat to the U.S.A. and planet alike, is the influence of the present, utopians' trend toward Roman imperial styles in perpetual warfare. This is the trend expressed by that utopian babbling of the present-day followers of the nuclear-terrorist madmen H.G. Wells and Bertrand Russell. This is the same Mephistophelean evil expressed by such followers of the satanic Russell as Vice President Cheney, and Cheney's unwholesome flock of Chickenhawks.

Our strategy must pinpoint the origin of all three of those trends, which have culminated, now, in the presently existential crises of our republic's, and the world's situation. The approximate point of origin of these present trends is found during the Summer 1944 Democratic nominating convention, when a predominantly pro-Churchill, Anglo-American faction succeeded in replacing Vice President Wallace as the Vice-Presidential candidate for President Franklin Roosevelt's fourth term, by the nomination of Senator Harry Truman. The outgrowth of that shift of the nomination of Vice President to Truman, cleared the way for introducing what became a radical, post-Roosevelt change in post-World War II military policy, away from our military tradition, as Truman's Korean War entrapment of General MacArthur attests, a change to what became known, variously, during the first post-war decades as a utopian strategic doctrine, or "military-industrial complex."

The first step in this shift toward a utopian U.S. strategic policy, away from the traditional strategic policy of France's Lazare Carnot and Germany's Gerhard Scharnhorst, came immediately after President Roosevelt's death, by Truman's scrapping of crucial chunks of the President's anti-colonialist, post-war foreign policy, and Truman's support for the British, Dutch, French, and Portuguese empires' retaining, or even regaining many among their colonies by force of arms, as in Indonesia and Indo-China, for example.

That turn to a pro-imperial policy, under Truman, was complemented by the dropping of two nuclear bombs, needlessly, on the civilian populations of the cities of Nagasaki and Hiroshima. This matched pair of signal actions by the Truman Administration, adopting both pro-colonialist and nuclear-utopian strategies in foreign policy, represented the initial steps of reversal of the post-war policies of President Franklin Roosevelt, and laid the basis for the subsequent virtual takeover of our nation by the utopians' policy, most notably in the aftermath of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy.

The nuclear bombing of Japan was crucial in making that shift to a kind of utopian imperialism which echoed, variously, the common features of the fascism of ancient imperial Rome, of the fascist Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, and of the imperial, universal-fascism doctrine of the circles of Vice President Cheney and his brood of Chickenhawks today. Despite the popularized outright lie, that the nuclear bombing of Japan "saved a million American lives," that bombing occurred in defiance of General MacArthur's certainty that Japan was already a hopelessly defeated nation, and was done over the explicit objections of General Eisenhower. As one of the notable founders of modern military science, Machiavelli, had warned, in his commentaries on the Ten Books of Livy, no sane commander engages fresh war-fighting with an already defeated, successfully blockaded adversary, such as the Japan of Summer 1945.

There was no World War II motive for that nuclear bombing. The motive was supplied by Bertrand Russell's influence in pushing the use of nuclear weapons as a utopian mode of "preventive nuclear warfare," nuclear warfare intended, as Russell and his accomplice H.G. Wells had insisted explicitly, and repeatedly, to terrorize nations into accepting the treasonous act of handing over their sovereignty to the form of world government set forth in H.G. Wells' 1928 The Open Conspiracy. That Wells-Russell imperial policy, is the guiding doctrine behind the utopians George Shultz and Vice President Cheney on Bush Administration strategic policy today.

The mechanics of "Cold War," and the interrelated role of what became the RAND Corporation in defining the nuclear triad of utopian warfare, through addition of nuclear-armed air-power, set into motion the weeding-out of the U.S. military tradition of exemplars such as MacArthur and Eisenhower. However, it was not until the close of the Eisenhower Presidency, that the utopians were able to fully unleash their lunatic's wet dreams. Thus, the "Bay of Pigs" and 1962 missiles crisis were followed by kindred other developments, as by the 1964-1972 strategic insanity unleashed by the fraudulent Gulf of Tonkin resolution's plunge of the U.S. into the Roman imperial-style, no-win, perpetual war in Indo-China. That war never ended; after approximately eight years of fruitless brutality, the U.S. simply walked away from an uncompleted, ill-conceived project, as from a bad job better left undone.

The origins of all of those institutions which developed this utopian military dogma, are traced from such institutional configurations as: the role of Russell's Unification of the Sciences project; the exemplary part played by such inhuman creatures as Russell devotees Professor Norbert Wiener and John von Neumann; and, such locations as MIT's RLE and RAND Corporation. Wells and Russell personally are not merely the literary ideologues who fathered the military utopian doctrine expressed by Cheney's chickens. The relevant evidence on the public record, is overwhelming. It was the fanatical utopian Russell who actually coordinated, personally, the apparatus which ran the operations, including Henry A. Kissinger's sometime patron John J. McCloy, the operations behind the creation of what President Eisenhower denounced as "the military-industrial complex."

As a complement to the Wells-Russell-inspired utopians' program of world government through nuclear-weapons terror, his utopian followers moved to uproot and destroy that principled commitment to scientific and technological economic progress whose destruction had been the crucial issue of the British monarchy's 1763-1789 campaign to crush technological progress within both the English colonies and our young republic.

So, from the middle of the 1960s, until the present date, the U.S. has been destroying itself internally by its continuing drift into becoming a "post-industrial society," as Rome of the civil wars and the Caesars rotted out the culture of Italy, in a process of transition, step by step, from a producers', to a consumers' society, during the period following the Second Punic War.

This trend toward domestic economic collapse of the U.S. role as a producers' society, first became conspicuous in the gutting of the space-oriented science program in the Federal budget of 1966-67. Although some manned Moon landings nonetheless did occur, beginning the close of the 1960s, later, by the end of the 1970s, the U.S. had not only terminated the effort, but had lost much of the technological base on which the success of the first Moon-shot had depended. The gutting of the nation's basic economic infrastructure, a gutting begun under President Nixon, and Nixon's lunatic monetary actions of August 15, 1971, consolidated a trend of decay in the U.S. physical economy, which has continued, at a generally accelerating rate, from that time to the present day.

Meanwhile, parallel utopian efforts had prompted the economic self-cannibalism which was launched within the United Kingdom under the first Harold Wilson government, the true predecessor of the ruinous London governments of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair. The floating-exchange-rate monetary system, set into motion by Nixon's August 15, 1971 acceptance of the advice of the utopian trio of Henry A. Kissinger, George Shultz, and Paul Volcker. That is the change in international institutions which, during the past thirty years, has ruined the nations of Central and South America, produced what became genocidal side-effects on sub-Saharan Africa, and dragged Europe and Japan into the same global swamp, where Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan's bubble-headed monetary-financial insanities as the "New Economy" hoax was spawned, and into more than three decades of generalized physical-economic ruin overall.

Then, just slightly less than two decades after American Tory utopian Henry A. Kissinger's installation as National Security Adviser, came a subsequent, crucial turn, with the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, at the close of the 1980s.

During 1988-1990, two directly opposite U.S. strategic policies were put on the table, my own, and the directly opposite policy which the first Bush Administration adopted in concert with both the silly but nasty British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, and with France's President Francois Mitterrand. On account of this deep difference between me and such as those leading adversaries of mine, beginning 1986, I, personally, became targetted, repeatedly, for relatively immediate, attempted political, and also biological destruction, and was placed so, as both a declared target for official assassination or imprisonment, on the one side, and a leading, internationally influential policy-crafter, on the other side. So, I stood, then as now, on the stage of all post-1986 world history.

Now, my unique success, in forecasting the presently tragic outcome of the adoption of my opponents' economic and strategic policies, has put me, once again, near center-stage amid leading U.S. and global breaking developments, now in a larger role than ever before.

LaRouche & Bush, 1988-1990

The most crucial recent turn of events in recent world history began on October 12, 1988, when I delivered a crucial, subsequently historic, Presidential candidate's address, from what was then West Berlin. This address was recorded for a subsequent national U.S. TV broadcast which occurred later that same month. With today's turn in world economy and politics, my purpose in delivering this forecast, first, in Berlin, then, should become readily obvious.

I announced that the crucial issue of U.S. policy under the next U.S. Administration would be the impending collapse of the Warsaw Pact system. I stated then and there, that this would be a development leading toward the reunification of Germany and designation of Berlin as its future capital. In that address, I emphasized the appropriate U.S. policy-orientation for this impending seismic shift in world politics. My proposal, delivered then in my capacity as a Presidential candidate, was that the next President of the U.S.A. must foresee the impending of such an impending crisis of the Warsaw Pact, as the occasion to offer cooperation in a Eurasia reconstruction program which would be led by a U.S. initiative for a cooperative general revitalization of the obsolescence-wracked civilian economies of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union.

This program, as I defined it thus in October 1988, should have been quickly successful under the forecast circumstances which erupted slightly more than a year after my Berlin press conference. In retrospect today, this program would have ensured a rapid and enduring long-range economic recovery and growth of the world as a whole. Today's U.S. and European depression-crisis would never have come to be the immediate, devastating threat it is today, had my policies been adopted. Instead of my policies, my opponents succeeded, to a significant degree, in pushing those lunatic utopian schemes demanded by such as the Bush "41" Administration's Cheney, back as early as 1990.

So, Thatcher, Mitterrand, and "41" succeeded in adopting a policy directly opposite to my own, a policy consistent with the influence of the rabid strategic utopians in "43's" own Administration today. That trio's response to the fall of the Berlin Wall, slightly more than a year after my 1988 Berlin conference, has therefore been a principal contributing cause for the accelerated rate of collapse of physical economy of the combined U.S. and European economies since that time.

That typifies the issues underlying the often embittered personal differences arising from the conflict between my policy and theirs, differences amplified by the issue underlying their extraordinary fear of superiority of my intellectual powers over theirs, in matters of economic and related policy-making. This same specific fear of my intellectual powers (I command no other kind) had been that expressed by the U.S. utopian faction since 1982-1983 developments around what became known as the SDI.

It was my personal role in the crafting of the SDI, in collaboration with relevant officials of the Reagan Administration, and my personal role in related back-channel discussions with the Soviet government, which pre-qualified me as uniquely suited to the negotiations which should have occurred at the 1989-1990 point of the collapse of the Warsaw Pact system.

My proposal for a system of strategic ballistic-missile defense based on new physical principles, which then-President Reagan adopted for his March 23, 1983, SDI proffer to Moscow, had been previously designed by me as the most effective means of outflanking both the Anglo-American and Soviet utopian factions' Bertrand Russell-led commitment to Mutual and Assured Destruction (MAD). I had forecast, in February 1982, that were President Reagan to make the proffer I recommended, and if the Soviet Union were to reject that proffer, we must expect a probable Soviet economic collapse to occur, approximately five years ahead. The collapse, as I had forecast it, occurred just slightly more than six years later. That forecast had been based on two included considerations. First, my attention to certain characteristic flaws in the Soviet civilian economy. Second, evidence assembled during my 1977-1982 effort to define a mutual U.S.A.-Soviet escape from the "Kissingerian" trap of Mutual and Assured Destruction.

From Summer 1982 through 1989, the hate-filled utopians, such as the Heritage Foundation, their controlled mass-media, and their corrupt political-party henchmen, mobilized their forces, inside and outside government, against me, and, a bit later, also Dr. Edward Teller. My policy, as expressed by President Reagan's March 23, 1983 and October 1986 Reykjavik proffer of cooperation to the Soviet government, was, like my early-1986 summary of a forty-year space-program, the long-range strategic planning basis for my October 12, 1988 announcement concerning the impending economic collapse of the Warsaw Pact. For my international influence on account of this nested set of policies, I was openly hated and feared by both the U.S. utopians and Soviet General Secretaries Yuri Andropov and Mikhail Gorbachev, more or less as much as by the U.S. utopians and their political supporters. However, with the collapse of the Warsaw Pact system, my thus-validated credibility for dealing with the Soviet government on the matters posed by the radically transformed global strategic situation was outstanding.

With me put temporarily out of the way, almost immediately following the January 1989 inauguration of Bush "41," the utopian faction around Shultz and Cheney within the Bush Administration conducted its terrible blunders almost unchallenged. The utopians' policy, adopted, if only in part, by "41" at that time, was to seize the opportunity presented by the collapse of Soviet power, to establish what was intended to be an "eternal" Roman-imperial-style rule of the entire world by the Anglo-American Tory concert of power. Later, as the utopians grew increasingly insane over the course of the 1990s, the largely "wise-guy-connected" Chickenhawk brigade of utopians, showed their commitment to establishing an eternal U.S. imperial rule over the planet. These creatures tended, more and more, toward merely tolerating the still unavoidable burdens of partnership with the United Kingdom they had formerly viewed with awe; by their actions, they came to view London as a come-down Sancho Panza trailing after the lunatic, passionately homicidal, American Don Quixote. (Naturally, sane leading Britons are not at all pleased with such paranoid schemes of Vice President Cheney and his Chickenhawks.)

An intelligent approach to the collapse of the Warsaw Pact system, would have been to integrate the massive potential for net economic growth bottled up within the system into both a reduction in the costs of operation of existing military systems, and a mobilization of new mechanisms of international credit for a coordinated, accelerated rate of increase of produced net physical output, per capita and per square kilometer, globally. We could have emerged from the physical-economic depression already fully underway inside the U.S. during the 1980s, into the greatest rate of increase of real physical productivity in history, a planet-wide growth.

Instead, under the cover of agreements adopted by Thatcher, Mitterrand, and Bush, we did exactly the opposite. The policy conducted against Europe and the territory of the former Soviet Union since 1990, was to loot and destroy the greatest part of the productive potential existing in 1989-1990, in not only the former Warsaw Pact area, but within Europe as a whole as well. Worse, during the same time-frame, 1989-2002, the policies of the U.S.A., the IMF, and the World Bank, have accelerated the already ongoing, willful destruction of the basic economic infrastructure and physical production capacity of the Americas as a whole.

As a consequence of 1990-2002 U.S.A., IMF, World Bank, and related supranational agreements and practices, we have exhausted the recent dozen years in deliberately causing the relatively greatest collapse of productive potential in our planet's history.

The outcome of these 1944 patterns of shift in U.S.A. and world policies and practice, has become today the complex of the three cited, leading threats to U.S. national security. If the U.S. soon dies, as it probably would if the present policies of Cheney et al. were allowed to continue, and if anyone survived to erect a tombstone for our poor, fallen nation, the appropriate inscription would be, as for the lost glory of Athens at the close of the foolish Peloponnesian War: "Died of Self-Inflicted Wounds."

So far, the U.S. major-party nominating conventions of Summer 2000, rank prominently among those self-inflicted wounds.

The Doom of Our Reigning Economics Imbeciles

Modern European civilization was born within the Italy-centered, Fifteenth-Century, Platonic Renaissance. The modern nation-state republic, and the great increase in human productivity and well-being of modern times, were a continuing outcome of the republican, anti-oligarchical tradition set into motion by that Renaissance. The modern economic progress so set into motion, could have occurred, as it did, only through the force of scientific and technological progress typified by Nicholas of Cusa's founding of modern experimental physical science, by the continuation of Cusa's program by geniuses such as Leonardo da Vinci, and, later, the founding of a comprehensive, systemic form of mathematical physics, by the discoveries of that avowed follower of Cusa and Leonardo, Johannes Kepler.

Then and now, economic progress is essentially a product of the practice of the kind of anti-Romantic, Classical scientific and artistic culture traced, chiefly, from within the bounds of modern European culture's intellectual debts to ancient Classical Greece. It is through the discovery and employment of experimentally validated universal physical principles, as discovered through the Socratic method, that the human will is able to increase society's power in and over the universe, as no other living species can do this.

Through those methods, we acquire the means to increase the ratio of the essential physical wealth of nature produced by us, in excess of the wealth we must consume to generate that production. The physical margin of such profit, is limited by the rate and relative scale of application of discovered universal physical principles. A "zero-technological growth" culture, is not a form of economy, but a commitment to endless attrition, an economic suicide-pact.

This notion of the discovery of universal physical principles, has been efficiently understood by the best minds of European civilization since ancient Classical Greece, as from Archytas and Plato through Archimedes and Eratosthenes. The explosive progress of modern physical science and productive powers of labor, during more than six recent centuries of modern European culture, has been chiefly the result of the Fifteenth Century's revival of that ancient Greek Classical tradition in science and artistic composition radiating from the lantern of Brunelleschi's catenoid cupola for the Cathedral of Florence.

In contrast to that knowledge, the problem is, that, for a parasitical financier or kindred oligarchy, poor, ignorant serfs and slaves are much preferred, politically, to a sturdy, intelligent citizenry of the sort unlikely to put up indefinitely with the rule by oligarchical parasites such as those associated politically with Cheney's crew, and with the Enron and George Soros gang. To induce the submission of the human cattle of a past or new Roman empire, one must stupefy the human subjects, as U.S. educational, "recreational" drugs, mass-media, investment, and employment policies have done, increasingly, with notable success, since the mid-1960s "Aquarian" cultural-paradigm shift.

In today's post-1968 U.S., we have now replaced the relatively competent education under pre-1968 teachers, by a Ritalin-assisted proliferation of ignorant but fiercely opinionated teachers, who, often, themselves, would not have been qualified to graduate even from primary school, back during the mid-1960s. Such pervasive ignorance and superstition within an entertainment-stupefied population as a whole, like the imperial Rome of bread and circuses, or the modern equivalent in the U.S.A. today, are qualities of decadence in populations desired by those who would hope to maintain a Roman-style world empire.

A population employed in true scientific and technological progress, can not be a stupefied one, like most of those young victims coming out of our schools and even many university programs today. A population addicted to the quasi-psychotic pseudo-science of video-games, were better suited to the role of the Roman-imperial-style cannon-fodder of global perpetual warfare.

Thus, to realize the social-control objectives of the utopians, the U.S.A. and Europe had to be transformed from reliance upon technologically progressive forms of physical-goods production and professional health-care services, to the kind of decadent consumer society we have tended to become since approximately the time mad Zbigniew Brzezinski's proposal for a post-industrial "technetronic" economy was presented, during the late 1960s.

Therefore, the immediately practicable solution to the immediate U.S. internal crisis, must appear to be something like a return to the days of the Eisenhower and Kennedy Administrations. The object is to reverse rapidly the damage done by the 1965-2002 cultural paradigm-shift. However, it would be insufficient to do no more than imitate, indifferently, both the follies and actual successes of the 1945-1964 interval. We must distinguish between the follies and successes of that time; and, we must use the successes as proven benchmarks, which show the way back toward that innovative highway of progress which the U.S.A. was created to become.

Today's policy-shaping must take into account the following essential differences between the disaster of 1929-1933, and the far worse, onrushing disaster of today.

Despite the financial and economic crises of 1905-07, the first two decades of the Twentieth Century were a period of continued, energetic expansion and technological progress of the U.S. and European economies. Through the latter decades of the Nineteenth Century, into 1914, the world was mobilizing, both in technology and volume of output, for the war which the U.K.'s Prince of Wales (and later King Edward VII) was intent on unleashing on the continent of Europe. Edward was putting France, Germany, Italy, Russia, Austro-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, and Japan, at one another's throats, all for the subsuming purpose of maintaining the British Empire's "geopolitical" rule of the world through maritime supremacy over both the U.S.A. and the interior of the Eurasian continent.

During the so-called "war to end war," and at the Versailles Treaty negotiations, the watchword was the expression of intent to proceed toward future "world government," a utopian goal sometimes identified as World Federalism. Then, and under the influence of the post-1944 utopians, "peace through disarmament" became a code-name for de-industrialization and halting scientific and technological progress, as much as might be deemed feasible. Thus, the combined, ruinous effect of "The Great War" was the destruction suffered by that war, and maliciously pre-calculated, and largely economic-cannibalistic destruction of existing, post-war wealth. The post-war Versailles and related policies were aimed at the further destruction of the kinds of maintenance and growth and technological progress which had characterized the period since the 1861-1876 emergence of the U.S.A. as the world's leading model of agro-industrial progress.

Thus, whereas less than a generation passed between the end of World War I and President Roosevelt's launching of the U.S. recovery from the 1929-1933 Great Depression, twice that interval of time has elapsed since the mid-1960s beginning of the willful destruction of the U.S. internal economy. Worse, has been the savagery of the rate of willful destruction of basic economic infrastructure, especially since, firstly, the tenures of American Tories Henry A. Kissinger and Zbigniew Brzezinski as U.S. National Security Advisers, and, secondly, the more accelerated rate of net destruction since 1990 up to the present time.

While the general principles of reconstruction for today remain broadly the same for today's crisis as they did for Franklin Roosevelt's first and second terms, the sheer magnitude of the U.S.A.'s present own economic disaster at home, as measured per capita and per square kilometer, is, speaking relatively, qualitatively greater than during the middle 1930s. We should have learned enough, collectively, from the 1933-1945 experience, and from other lessons acquired since, to overcome the difficulties before us, but we will fail unless we recognize those combined physical and ideological factors of destruction embedded within the present economy and its ideologies.

The greatest single internal danger to our republic today, is not as much the admittedly terrible physical shortages in our infrastructure and productive capacity which have piled up over the recent thirty-five years. Our worst economic affliction is the set of habits which have been built into our popular culture and our economic thinking, under the recent three-and-a-half decades' shift from our former general consensus as a vigorous productive economy, down deep into the pit of a post-productive, decadent culture of an habituated "consumer society." Those habits which we have cultivated, in the prevalent zeal for a "post-industrial" utopia, have become the knee-jerk cultural reflexes which always tend to cause today's majority of popular opinion to prefer, repeatedly, the wrong, ultimately self-destructive choice of decision. To the degree that that cumulative cultural paradigm-shift is regarded as the wisdom of "democratic opinion," the U.S.A. today is a self-doomed nation. Without recognizing that this danger to our nation, and us all, comes from, largely, within ourselves, there could be nothing describable as a democratic possibility for a general economic recovery today; today, that recognition is what stands between us and our nation's self-extinction.

The utopian policy rat-race currently organized by Pied Piper Cheney's fanatics, is to be recognized as something which became possible today, only because of the broader accumulation of insanity which has taken increasing control of popular opinion, and also policy-shaping, since approximately 1964.

Such are the essential, predominantly internal features of the strategic threats to the U.S.A. today. — Wiesbaden, Germany Sept. 27, 2002