Executive Intelligence Review
This article appears in the September 21, 2007 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.
ON A FATEFUL SEPTEMBER WEEKEND

This New Millennium of Ours!

by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.


With the advent of this September 2007, a recent century has died, and a new millennium is born. What an ironically wonderful 85th Birthday has been delivered to me, thus.


During two decades, twenty years, from the February 1763 Peace of Paris, when the British empire was, in fact, born, until that British East India Company's empire-in-fact conceded the establishment of the United States of America's independence, in 1783, a certain world order of what became a see-saw conflict between those two English-speaking systems, has dominated the decisive strategic elements of the history of this entire planet. This conflict was pivoted, throughout the 1783-2007 interval to date, on the conflict between the system of usury represented by the imperial, London-centered Anglo-Dutch Liberal monetarism, on the one side, and, on the other, the American republican system of sovereign national credit associated with the name of the first U.S. Treasury Secretary, Alexander Hamilton, of the new U.S. constitutional Federal republic.

Now, during the recent weeks, the Anglo-Dutch Liberal monetarist system has been engaged with a process of the self-disintegration of its present world monetarist system of global practice of a rampant, and also virtually rabid form of usury. Thus, we are presently pivoting on the anticipated new world system. The question is, will it be the affirmation of the American System of political-economy, or a global form of Hellish chaos, a global new dark age?

During most of the decades of those centuries, the British empire, with its predatory gold standard, dominated the world, until the 1931 formation of the Basel, Switzerland Bank for International Settlements.

So, from the time the associate, Andrew Jackson, of the London-owned traitor to the United States, Aaron Burr, entered the U.S. Presidency, until the election of President Abraham Lincoln, the Presidency itself was usually ruined by London's assets, such as Jackson, Martin van Buren, Polk, Pierce, and Buchanan. However, after the victory over London's Confederacy assets under President Lincoln, we emerged as a continental power within our own borders, a power which could not be conquered by outside military force.

However, even then, when the fame of the success led by President Lincoln spread the influence of Lincoln's victory into Japan and the Eurasian continent, assassinations of elected Presidents and other subversive activity, repeatedly weakened our political system. Two elected Presidents representing the instincts of the defeated British asset which had been the Confederacy, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, ruined us, until the election of President Franklin Roosevelt.

Immediately on the news of the death of President Franklin Roosevelt, the Anglo-American Liberal party grabbed increasing control over our republic's foreign and domestic policies, despite the grave warning which outgoing President Dwight Eisenhower delivered against those forces of Caesarian reforms in military affairs which he labeled the same "military-industrial complex" which engaged the U.S. in two sets of ruinously long wars (1964-1972 and 2003-2007), echoes of the ancient Peloponnesian War which ruined Classical Greece's civilization, each, like the ancient Peloponnesian War, engaged on the fraudulent pretext of lies uttered from the highest offices of the relevant republic.

Now, we have the presently soaring, global monetary-financial breakdown-crisis of the aggregated, present world monetarist system. The world is presently seized by what is in fact a global systemic crisis, which has certain internal similarities to the breakdown-crisis which struck Weimar Germany with full force during the second half of 1923, but which is global in scope, rather than one whose effects were susceptible of being confined, at least temporarily, to one nation.

A dollar-crisis, with marked similarities to the Wall Street "crash" of 1929, had already struck, in early October 1987. Unfortunately, for the world at large, a decision made by the U.S.A. and others, then, postponed the reckoning with the foolishness which had brought on that October 1987 stock-market crisis, until a time approximately two decades later. This time, a process called by such names as "globalization," "post-industrialism," and the anti-scientific, "neo-malthusian" mania called "global warming," has created a degree of John Law-style hyperinflation in credit markets, such that the actual financial debt outstanding vastly exceeds the means by which any orderly bankruptcy proceeding could resist a general economic-breakdown-crisis of the global system as a whole.

We have already entered a situation, this time on a global scale, which must be seen in terms of its likeness to the so-called "New Dark Age" which struck medieval European civilization during the middle of the Fourteenth Century.

In the face of this presently onrushing, global crisis, only a certain, definite kind of reform could succeed.

The Essential Systemic Reform

The present world monetary system, with its component monetary systems, must be put into protective custody for general reform in bankruptcy proceedings, over a period of some years or more to come. Therefore, all so-called independent monetary and related central banking systems must be taken into protective custody, and the authority which they had enjoyed given over, entirely, to a concert of treaty-agreements among perfectly sovereign nation-states' authorities.

We must credit a network of sovereign credit-systems, created by sovereign governments, which must employ a nested set of treaty-agreements among sovereign nations, agreements which will, in effect, reestablish a global, fixed-exchange-rate system of treaty-organizations. The immediate intention of adoption of such agreements, must be: a.) To replace the world's present monetary systems with statist credit-systems, as Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton defined national banking. b.) To unleash long-term, massive expansion of essential physical-economic infrastructure, to shift employment back toward emphasis on capital-intensive modes of technological progress in manufacturing, independent farming, high-technology mass-transport featuring emphasis on magnetic levitation, global development of freshwater supplies, and high-energy-flux-density of production and distribution of power and synthetic generation of hydrogen-based fuels produced by nuclear-fission technology, and science-driver programs for economy, health care, and sanitation.

The visible economic horizon for such a reform spans the two generations of expected economically active life of young people entering adult life today. Since the great mass of required infrastructure-building and related tasks will be within the range of twenty-five to fifty years maturation, we are presently situated at the point at which long-term treaty agreements among sovereign governments must recognize that what we do, or fail to do on those accounts will necessarily encumber our populations for fifty years and more to come.

Rather than floating currencies, we must allow prices to float within a fixed-exchange-system based on long-term considerations, especially the importance of protection of long-term physical capital expressed in forms such as productive capacities and progressive improvements in skill-levels of populations.

If we can muster the resolution to make such emergency agreements among sovereign nations now, we will probably have defined the hopeful future for all mankind for at least a millennium to come.

In the Meantime

No effort should be wasted in trying to adjust values of what are essentially fictitious monetary claims. At this immediate time, and for some years to come, we must protect what is currently essential, such as occupation of housing by families, the functioning of locally chartered banks by the national or regional governments, and other things. Presently, we do not have the basis on which to determine what the valuation of a claim to property should be. What that should be will become more or less clear only during the course of a lapse of time of several or more years. In the meantime, life must go on; all essential functions of physical economy and well-being of households, must be protected; real growth in employment in productive, rather than financial-speculative and questionable "services," must have priority. The function of governments, and among governments, must be to ensure that what is essential happens, and that the physical growth of useful output, as physical capital and essentials of the population as a whole, are met.

This could not be accomplished, presently, under ordinary proceedings-in-bankruptcy. The mere attempt to take that route would be a disaster for all concerned. Instead, we must use emergency "fire walls" of government reform to ensure that physically essential measures of support for normal life and improved physical productivity are taken with what is otherwise a minimal stress and strain upon a population attempting to resume both a stable, understandable, and progressive manner of living in households and running local businesses in their respective communities. We must foster creative initiatives, and, therefore, we must foster, rather than tend to discourage useful private initiatives.

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