Executive Intelligence Review
This message appears in the June 15, 2001 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

Divided Is Conquered

by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.

May 28, 2001

[PDF version of this article]

Lyndon LaRouche sent this message to a bi-national Argentine-Brazilian meeting held on June 1 in São Borja, Brazil, co-sponsored by the Ibero-American Solidarity Movement (MSIA) and by Argentina's Movement for National Identity and Ibero-American Integration (MINeII), which is guided by incarcerated war hero Col. Mohamed Alí Seineldín.

My greetings to those of you present or represented in this historic special meeting of representative patriots of Brazil and Argentina. I wish to convey my special greetings to Colonel Seineldín.

1. A Time of Great Change

This is a time of great changes which are already sweeping the world. The question is: whether those changes will lead the world into that new dark age of all humanity, which globalization represents, or whether our fight against the oligarchical forces of globalization will bring forth a new renaissance for this planet. The bringing forth of that renaissance, a renaissance based upon the principle of the sovereign nation-state, must be the intention implanted within each of us, the intention which unifies our efforts to a single, world-wide effect.

Nineteen years have passed since the perfidious British monarchy conceived, concocted, and launched its 1982 war against Argentina. Since that war, we have watched the sovereignties of nearly all of the republics of Central and South America destroyed, in the most liberal excesses imposed by the world's leading financier oligarchy, one after the other. Today, where proud nations stood at the beginning 1982, only Brazil has not yet been stripped of the quality of sovereign self-government which existed in early 1982. Brazil is therefore the chief target of the enemies of humanity within this hemisphere. Ironically, but not accidentally, the continuing dangers facing Argentina are a central feature of the economic-strategic threat to Brazil.

However, those nineteen years are not the end of history. The international financier-oligarchy, which is the chief agency responsible for the destruction which has occurred in the Americas during the recent two decades, is now being destroyed by its own liberal system. The greatest financial collapse in human existence, has pushed the nations of the world as a whole to the brink of a threatened, global new dark age.

Very soon, one way or the other, that system is doomed. The only important question is, whether nations have the will to free themselves from this world financial system, before it obliterates those nations?

2. The Principle of the General Welfare

To make my own intention clear, I present you with a special quality of paradox, a paradox of a type which some call a spiritual exercise, so called because it requires us to rise above the capacities of the beast, to that power of reason, called cognition, which sets the human individual apart from and above the beasts.

To save our nations, we must, as I have said, defend their perfect sovereignty against the evil called "globalization." Yet, if we allow our ranks to be divided by devotion to the sovereignty of the nation of each among us, all of our nations will be destroyed, a destruction caused by our lack of unity in a common cause. That is a common cause of us all, not only within the Americas, but throughout the world as a whole.

We can not succeed, unless we subsume the sovereignty of each of our nations under a common cause. We must be united, and governed by a higher principle than defense of any one among our nations. We must be governed by that principle of the general welfare which is celebrated in the Preamble of the U.S. Federal Constitution of 1789, the same principle of the general welfare around which His Holiness John Paul II has sought to arouse the conscience of the nations and their peoples.

If we fight to defend our nation, and do not defend that principle, we shall each and all be defeated and crushed. If we can unite around that principle which is a higher authority than any nation, that principle will then provide the means by which we may save each of our nations. Divided, even divided by our pride in our sovereignties, we shall each be destroyed, as we have witnessed that crushing of the republics of the Americas, one by one, during the recent two decades. United, as part of a world-wide effort on behalf of a common principle of national sovereignty, we can win back the sovereignty which has been lost, and much more besides.

3. The Defense of the Americas

As an informed patriot, and Presidential candidate of the U.S.A., I am committed to this expressed policy by the tradition of my own republic, just as I condemned U.S. support for Thatcher's Britain in the war against Argentina. What I, as a U.S. political figure, defended then and defend now, is the principle set forth by U.S. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, as reflected in President James Monroe's promulgation of the 1823 Monroe Doctrine. The same policies and same issues as those of 1823 persist in the matter of the attacks on the sovereignties of the republics of the Americas today.

To understand the present situation then, look to the strategic threat to the then-emerging republics of the Americas then, in 1823, as in what is only a slightly modified expression of the same threat today.

The U.S.A. Declaration of Independence of 1776, and the ensuing framing of the 1789 Federal Constitution, were the result of a determination by leading intellects of Europe, to establish a model republic in the Americas, at a time when the internal conditions of Europe did not allow this to be accomplished there. Thus, from its establishment, the U.S.A. became a continuing target for its intended destruction, by both the British monarchy and the Habsburg-centered pro-feudalist interests of the continent.

With the success of Britain's Jeremy Bentham, as head of the "secret committee" of the British Foreign Office, in orchestrating the five-year-long Jacobin Terror, launched in France on July 14, 1789, the young U.S.A. became isolated and threatened by the forces of both the British monarchy and the Metternich-led Holy Alliance. These external enemies of the U.S.A., which were identified by President Franklin Roosevelt as "the American Tories," were aided by treasonous elements allied to those foreign enemy powers, chiefly from among the New York-centered banking circles of Bank of Manhattan's Aaron Burr and the southern slave-owning oligarchy.

It was in that circumstance, in 1823, that Secretary Adams crafted the policy which became known as "the Monroe Doctrine." That the U.S. should make no alliance with the British monarchy or Holy Alliance interests, but must act with the intent to become sufficiently strong to expel the oligarchical interests represented by both the British and their Habsburg allies from the Americas. The intent was to work for, and defend a community of principle among a continent of perfectly sovereign nation-state republics.

That was the policy which guided my actions in the developments of Spring and Summer 1982, as also, still, today.

Since 1823, many things have changed, but the "American Tory" enemy from within the U.S.A., and from outside our hemisphere, represents, essentially, the same financier-oligarchical interest which has threatened the U.S.A. and other states of the Americas ever since. The British monarchy and American Tory traditions are a family tree with relatively few branches.

The principle underlying Secretary Adams' and President Monroe's policy in 1823, is the same principle of the general welfare defined as the fundamental constitutional law of the U.S.A., within the Preamble of that Federal Constitution. The principle of the general welfare, also called the common good, specifies that no government has the moral authority to govern, except as it is committed efficiently to promote the general welfare of all its population, and their posterity. To define the Americas as the area to be self-governed by a community of principle among sovereign nation-state republics, is the meaning of Secretary Adams' doctrine, and the proper principle for today.

4. The Global Setting Today

Today, the notion of a community of principle remains the same; but, the circumstances differ.

Now the threat to humanity comes chiefly from an Anglo-American financier oligarchy which has been committed to establishing a new, global parody of the old pagan Roman Empire, as an eternal system of financier rule, called "globalization," over the planet as a whole today. This is a tyranny of finance in which a collection of certain non-governmental organizations, called NGOs, undermine and replace the legitimate role of national government.

As the present world financial system plunges into the general collapse it has brought upon itself through its own imperial design, there is a growing revolt in much of the world against this Anglo-American system of financial tyranny. In this circumstance, the possibility of victory for the cause of the sovereignty of the republics of the Americas depends upon global strategic factors of that sort. Thus, although we can not win this fight without rebuilding strong alliances of principle among ourselves in the Americas, we can not win the global struggle, except in concert with a growing mass of actual or potential political allies from around much of the world.

I see the common interest of the nations of Brazil and Argentina as a strategically crucial flanking deployment in the battle to regain the principle of true sovereignty for the nations of Central and South America. This is a battle which can not be considered separately from the issue of the now accelerated Anglo-American genocide against the people of sub-Sahara Africa, nor separate from the great effort now emerging across Eurasia.

Within that framework, as the failures of the present, self-doomed U.S. Bush Administration show, we have reached the point of crisis at which great changes, either for much better, or much worse, are now inevitable. We have thus come into a time of great, planet-wide crisis, when the opportunity is presented to us, to change what could not be changed during a preceding period of now nearly two decades, since the defeat of the efforts we made in Spring and Summer of 1982.

We must not make foolish plans, of course; but no plan, by itself, could save us in a crisis of the kind which menaces the world as a whole today. Just as the order of the galaxies is determined by universal principles, so the principle of human action lies in those governing intentions which, as they are aroused within the human mind, serve as the universal principles which shape the willful choice of destiny of societies. Just as great universal principles govern the stars, so great principles of statecraft, or the lack of them, uplift or doom nations.

The principle of the general welfare, the principle upon which the existence of the sovereign nation-state republic depends, must be the common intention which informs our action.

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